Vaccine Effect in Trials and in Populations

In my blog How Not To Read Vaccine Efficacy based on a Lancet Microbe paper it was shown that five COVID-19 vaccines with emergency approval (that is, by bypassing certain regulatory requirement) had relative risk reduction (RRR=1-RR; RR=SDT/SDC, relative risk is the ratio of the shares exposed to disease in treatment and control arms) that ranged from 67% to 95% but, their absolute risk reduction (ARR=SDC-SDT) ranged from 0.84% to 1.28%.

The Pfizer-BioNTech (BNT162b2 mRNA) as per its phase 3 trial has an RRR of 95%. This immediately gives the impression that the proportions of the shares exposed to disease are 1% for treatment and 20% for control, but this could be 2% and 40% or any in other proportions that satisfy k times 1% and k times 20%.

If the proportions for SDT and SDC are 1% and 20%, respectively, then ARR will be 19%. But, ARR is actually 0.84%, which suggests that in the trial k=0.044. And, hence, SDT=0.04% and SDC=0.88%.

It is difficult to replicate this in a population, as design and methods cannot be the same as in a trial. However, following mass vaccination in Israel using Pfizer-BioNTech (BNT162b2 mRNA), a study shows that RRR is 94% (almost close to what was observed in the trial), but ARR was 0.046% (SDT=0.02% and SDC=0.48%) suggesting that k=0.024 is much lower than the trial.

A further decline in ARR means that the number of people that need to be vaccinated (NNV=100/ARR) to prevent one more person from being exposed to the disease is further increased by 83% from 119 in the trial to 217 in the specific population setting. In other words, the vaccine effect was further reduced in a population setting when compared to the trial.

The authorities associated with mass vaccination need to design studies to arrive at RRR and ARR, along with other aspects, in their population, as that would be of help in their public policy designing. The individual concerned should also have such information, along with other aspects, for them to take an informed decision.

How Not To Read Vaccine Efficacy

To address COVID-19 pandemic, many vaccines have received emergency approval (that is, by bypassing many regulatory requirements that are otherwise needed for vaccines or other therapeutic interventions). The third phase trial data for relative risk reduction (RRR) are referred to as efficacy of the vaccines. 

A popular perception is that if an individual takes the vaccine then the possibility of being afflicted by the disease gets reduced by this RRR%. This, however, is not the case. Then, what does this efficacy mean? From a lay perspective, RRR% is total risk in per cent (100%) minus relative risk in per cent (RR%).

Now, what is relative risk (RR) in a trial. It is the ratio of the share of those afflicted by the disease in the treatment arm of the trial (SDT=nt/Nt, number afflicted by the disease in the treatment arm of the trial divided by number of people in the treatment arm of the trial) to the share of those afflicted by the diseased in the control arm of the trial (SDC=nc/Nc, number afflicted by the disease in the control arm of the trial divided by number of people in the control arm of the trial). In other words, RR=SDT/SDC and when it is multiplied with 100 it gives us RR%.

The absolute risk reduction in per cent (ARR%=SDC%-SDT%) is the proportion of those afflicted by the disease in the control arm of the trial (SDC%) minus the proportion of those afflicted by the disease in the treatment arm of the trial (SDT%).   

A recent Lancet Microbe paper reports that for five COVID-19 vaccines that have received emergency approval the ARR% are as follows: 

1.28% Oxford-AstraZeneca (ChAdOx1 nCoV-19), 

1.24% Moderna-NIH (mRNA 1273), 

1.19% Johnson & Johnson (Ad26.COV2.S), 

0.93% Gamaleya (GamCovidVac) [Sputnik V], and 

0.84% Pfizer-BioNTech (BNT162b2 mRNA).  

However, the RRR% for these are:

66.84% Oxford-AstraZeneca (ChAdOx1 nCoV-19), 

94.08% Moderna-NIH (mRNA 1273), 

66.62% Johnson & Johnson (Ad26.COV2.S), 

90.97% Gamaleya (GamCovidVac) [Sputnik V], and 

95.02% Pfizer-BioNTech (BNT162b2 mRNA).

Note that the reporting of RRR% are at times in misleading ways, as a Lancet Infectious Diseases paper shows. An informed consent, among other things, should also provide this perspective to the vaccine recipients before they take a decision.

Farmers' protest: response to queries from Infobae

A few days ago (27 January 2021)  a journalist from Argentina, Dario Mizrahi, who works for the Spanish newspaper Infobae, sent me some queries on farmers' protest in India. The ensuing piece (31 January 2021) cites Jonathan Kennedy (Queen Mary, London), Surabhi Mittal (Independent Consultant), Arvind Panagariya (Columbia), and me (Srijit Mishra, IGIDR).   My response to Daario Mizrahi's queries in English are given below.

Q: The Indian government argues that agricultural reforms are necessary for greater economic progress for the country. To what extent is this truly the case? Why did these reforms spark so much anger among farmers?  

A: There has been a crisis in India agriculture, which, analytically speaking, has two inter-twined dimensions - the agrarian and the agricultural. The agrarian crisis concerns the life and livelihood of nearly half of India's working population that is dependent on agriculture, which includes the multitude of smallholders with less than five acres of land holdings and the agricultural labourers, and that they have been adversely affected by the decreasing share of the pie. At the same time, the agricultural crisis is about the inappropriateness of the input-intensive agricultural production that is guided by a thinking of one-size fits all wherein costs and risks have been increasing and that these have been further aggravated by the changing climatic conditions. 

These twin concerns require substantive reforms that address the livelihood sustenance of those dependent on agriculture, that are agro-ecological in nature, that are based on resilience inherent in local conditions, and that they reduce costs and risks. More importantly, these require the coming together of knowledge, policy and practice. 

I am afraid that the three recent laws related to trade and commerce of farmers' produce, contract farming linking agricultural production to sale, and removal of limits on storage of farm produce for those who trade on these produce, respectively, do not address the agricultural crisis, and any claims to address the agrarian crisis is at best indirect and limited. Rather, a careful reading of the three laws indicate that these laws are meant to facilitate the trade and commerce of agricultural produce by large entities. This means that the multitude of smallholders will be pitted against few large entities who will buy their produce and thereby leading to their apprehension, and justifiably so, that their life and livelihood concerns are not only not being addressed but are likely to be worsened. In fact, the ongoing pandemic put that evidence starkly in front of them wherein the economy as a whole, including that of the smallholders and agricultural labourers, decreased, but at the same time there are a few large entities, particularly the billionaire club, whose income increased.

Q: What could be the political consequences of these protests if they continue, and how might they affect the government of Narendra Modi?  

  

A: I must admit that I am not a political commentator and my knowledge of this evolving scenario has been constrained by the lockdown on account of the pandemic. Nevertheless, as I understand, the farmers' protest seems to be spreading in its intensity. While the protest has largely remained peaceful and non-violent, it is unfortunate and shameful that there have been some untoward incidents in New Delhi on India's Republic Day on 26 January 2021. 

Sans these incidents, credit needs to be given to the administration and to the protestors for keeping the movement within the realms of democracy, as BR Ambedkar, the Chairman of the Drafting Committee of India's constituent assembly, had forewarned us. However, having said that, one is reminded of Mahatma Gandhi's calling off of the Non Cooperation Movement in 1922, after more than a year of the movement, because of retaliatory violence leading to the burning down of a police station. In the same vein, irrespective of who has been responsible for the untoward incidents in New Delhi on India's Republic Day in 2021, the protest can gain in strength by avoiding chaos and anarchy only if it follows the paths suggested by Ambedkar and Gandhi. 

As an observer, my view is that this movement has been growing in strength because of its apolitical nature in the sense that it has tried to keep the political parties at a distance. The minimum reading that I see from the movement is a request to the Narendra Modi government to address their genuine concerns. At this juncture, a possible scenario is that both sides may come to an agreement or even agree to disagree and I do not visualize any political implications. However, if this continues for a longer time then your guess is as good as mine.       

[The above responses were sent on 28 January 2021]

Poor Economic and Livelihood Opportunities can Push People Out: Srijit Mishra

[This is an earlier unedited English version of the interview that came out in Odia in the Sunday Special of Sambad on 31 May 2020.]

Professor Srijit Mishra is Director, Nabakrushna Choudhury Centre for Development Studies (NCDS). He has been Professor at the Indira Gandhi Institute of Development Research (IGIDR), Mumbai and was the Chair Professor for India Studies at the National Cheng Chi University, Taiwan. He has also been a Subir Chowdhury Fellow at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). He is in discussion with Kshetrabasi Nayak for Sunday Special of Sambad.

Q1. The carona pandemic has adversely affected us globally, nationally and in the state (Odisha). What will be its impact on the economy of our state?

A1.  You are right. The corona pandemic will have an adverse impact on global, national and the state's economy. In fact, it will have adverse impact on all sectors of the economy. Nevertheless, a silver lining has been Odisha's approach to address the pandemic. Globally, we have heard about the successes in South Korea, Taiwan and Vietnam as also in Kerala state of India. All these have had impressive public health record. Odisha, in spite of its relatively poor health record, has done reasonably well in addressing the pandemic so far and can also be counted among these successes. The pandemic has put us all in a state of uncertainty. It is difficult to quantify the adverse impact, but as past pandemics suggest, saving lives and dignity now will help revive livelihood and economy later. Hence, in this sense, Odisha has been on the right path.

Q2. The central government has announced a special package for 20 lakh crore rupees (20 billion rupees). How will it be helpful for us?

A2.  The pandemic has created a problem in the economy that has led to shocks on the demand side as also the supply side (both curves have shifted left). The stimulus package, prima facie, seems to be addressing the supply side (liquidity measures by the Reserve Bank of India, which were made prior to the current announcement, and credit facilities for MSMEs (micro small and medium enterprises), agriculture and allied, among others) and to a limited extent on the demand side (for instance, rural employment guarantee, and additional milk procurement). Besides, we do not have the numbers to say how much of each of the independent components will come to Odisha and what will be its implication here. Nevertheless, we should explore possibilities under each.

Q3. How will our state benefit from the announcements meant to help the MSMEs?

A3. The MSMEs change in definitions have increased the net. If enterprises based in Odisha do not move fast then they may miss out. Their associations and the state government may set up facilitation centres. It is also equally important for the MSMEs to gauge the future demand of their produce because we will be getting into a new normal. Otherwise, their debt may become non-serviceable.

Q4. Post corona, what should be the major concerns for Odisha? How should that be addressed?

A4. We are in a state of uncertainty with regard to the duration of this pandemic as it is still ongoing. However, from a global perspective food shortage is something that should be given paramount importance. In India as also for Odisha, with Kharif season knocking at our doors, we should consider agriculture, not only as critical, but also with urgency under the Disaster Management Act. In particular, sustainable agriculture should be the way forward. The reason for this is two-fold. One is to do away with the market and non-market risks of agriculture that can spiral into a debt problem that should be avoided in a post-Corona scenario. The other is to strengthen the local economy through necessary forward and backward linkages.

Q5. Large number of Odia labourers go out in search of work to other states. What is reason for them to go out? Can we provide them with adequate opportunities within the state?

A5. Returning labourers are broadly of two types. One is the seasonal migrants who go out as manual labourers. These people largely go from rainfed and dry regions of the state and sustainable agriculture has a lot of potential in absorbing this labour within agriculture directly. The migrants who go out for work for the entire year may have obtained a skill and it may not be possible for them to work in agriculture directly. For them, we should explore the forward and backward linkages. I must reiterate that, in the immediate short run, I am assuming the uncertainty that the pandemic has given and we do not know when and where we will have a containment, red, orange or green zone. Given this, it is paramount that we strengthen the local economy from the village upwards. The powers that the Government of Odisha has given to the Sarpanches will help us in taking this forward. In the medium-to-long run the forward and backward linkages could be further strengthened with MSMEs, micro food enterprises and street vendors among others where self-help groups (SHGs) or farmers producers’ organisation (FPOs) are also involved. People go out in search of work for a number of push and pull factors. Strengthening the economy while providing them with adequate opportunities is the need of the hour.  

Q6. The Government of Odisha is planning to double the number of man days of work under rural employment guarantee. Some people have raised concerns on this. What is your view?

A6. The intention behind doubling of work under rural employment guarantee should be appreciated. However, we should also link this to agricultural work in the individual's own farm. If it is for agricultural work in someone else's farm or for community then the individuals should also have an additional share in the produce. To address concerns of some, we should involve the Gram Panchayat in decisions and the Sarpanch in overseeing them. However, as conveyed earlier, this should be linked to strengthening the local economy.

Q7. Will agriculture be able to provide enough work? Can all returning workers be employed in this?

A7. Yes, sustainable agriculture alone has the potential to absorb additional labour. This reminds one of the Physiocratic economic thinking (much before Adam Smith) who considered Agriculture to be the only primary sector and all others dependent on them. During this pandemic, this has some amount of relevance. If some of the people who have returned to Odisha do not want to take up agricultural work then they, as indicated earlier, should get engaged in the backward and forward linkages if they want to. A census of returnees with information on their current skill set, income that they earned prior to the pandemic, kind of work they are willing to do, and expected income will help us in our plans for strengthening the local economy. This could also be linked to setting up of MSMEs and other entities provided demand for such produce exist.

Q8. The absence of agriculture-based industries and village-based industries has been raised in many discussions in the context of residents of the state seeking work outside the state. What are your views on this?

A8. This pandemic has given us a new situation and opened our doors to many realities. Mobility of people and their goods and services have been as old as mankind and a basis for the progress of civilization.  It is also the basis through which Odisha has a plural and syncretic culture.  At the same time, poor economic and livelihood opportunities can push people out and also expose them to exploitative conditions. We are at a crossroad where strengthening sustainable agriculture along with forward and backward linkages in an enabling environment would give an opportunity to people to be part of this. It is implicit in this that we also strengthen our public education and public health.

Q9. To revive the economy of the state, what are the recommendations that your institute, NCDS, would like to give?  

A9. This should be a continuing engagement, as we are all in this together and are learning as things are unfolding. It may require us to throw away our existing paradigms and structures and come up with some out-of-the box thinking. The pandemic also seems to suggest that the states as also local bodies should have greater revenue earning capacities. For instance, states and local bodies should have a right to levy additional income tax for residents living within their boundaries. This is followed in the United States and no reason why India should not follow the same. Similarly, the funds coming from centre should not be tied because in a post-corona scenario what may be required in one state may not be required in another.

Q.10 What are the other activities of NCDS that would help the state in strengthening livelihood and economy.

A10. One of the activities that NCDS has been involved with the Government of Odisha is the Odisha MilletsMission that works within the framework of sustainable agriculture and operates in four verticals - production, processing, marketing and consumption, which opens up forward and backward linkages. This sustainable approach addresses climate resilience and malnutrition, aspects which assumes greater importance with this pandemic. Hence, such approaches need to be further scaled up. During the pandemic, our research centre has also come up with a series of policy briefs to engage with policy makers and others concerned.

[The views expressed here are that of the interviewee and not that of the institutions or organisations that he is associated with.]

Black

Black, Recent Version

A 

Resolute colour,

That signifies beauty,

Of mind and body.

Opposite

Of white,

That juxtaposes peace,

A paradox of life.

A

Racist slur

On skin pigment.

Rescind this weird view.

Image,

Of reverence,

In Kali's dance,

Or, Salabeg's Jagannath recital.

An

Empty board

To impart knowledge

That remains after erasure.

Burqa:

Veiled presence

Reminding Rawlsian prism.

On subjugation and freedom.

Black, Earlier Version

For some, it is a colour.

A colour that signifies beauty,

Of body, mind and heart.

For some, it is opposite of white.

Thereby juxtaposing peace.

A paradox to live and let live.

For some, it is a racist slur.

Linking people to their skin pigment.

A weird view that be put to rest.

For some, it is reverence.

In dance of Kali with Shiva

Or, Salabeg's call to Jagannath.

For some, it is an empty board.

To connect teacher with taught.

If, when erased, knowledge is not lost.

For some, it is a veiled dress, burqa,

Reminding one of the Rawlsian prism,

To debate on subjugation and freedom. 

[Note: I have written two versions of a poem, Black. Both the versions have six stanzas each. In the recent version, the stanza has four lines with the lines having one, two, three and four words, respectively. The earlier version has three lines in each stanza.]

© Srijit Mishra, 10 August 2019

Summer, Elections and Economy

The 2019 summer in India has seen the temperature rise beyond electioneering. The mercury has almost breached the earlier recorded maximum in many places even before peak summer.

Some people who went on election duty, the real heroes, had to take leave for a day or two on their return because of exposure to heat and exhaustion.

This rising temperature adds to the drought like condition faced in more than two-fifths of the country's agriculture. An unfortunate fallout of this, on account of model code of conduct that remains in force for an extended period because of the seven-phase elections, is the delay in policy decisions (not that the decisions would have come without that and that the decisions, if any, would have been farmer and farm friendly).

A lot many youth had their employment prospect increase in the week before voting as they were engaged in work related to campaigning for candidates. Some of them could earn enough to buy an air conditioner such that their families could escape the rising mercury. However, in the week immediately after voting these temporary opportunities were no more there and they were left in a state of unemployment or, if employed, without this additional source of earning.

There were a few candidates who arrived at a compromise with their opponents. As a result, they saved themselves the trouble of campaigning during these troubling times.

Along with soaring temperatures, the cash and liquor seizures have surpassed the previous amount and we are just at the half-way mark. It is said that the reported seizure is the tip of the iceberg.

The temporary employment, the freebies, the compromises, and the cash seizures (particularly, those that have not been reported) have led to an increase in demand for consumer durables even in rural areas. Quite an achievement for the rural economy reeling under drought.

In spite of all these, the popular discourse is falling short when it comes to climate change, state of agriculture, unemployment, or unaccounted for money. Well, at least the economy, in the first quarter of this fiscal, is showing buoyancy. 

I was about to sign out with long live demo#$&!*, but my fingers faltered. Instead, I end with the dictum, 'it's the economy, stupid!'

Candidates for Bhubaneswar PC in Elections 2019

Introduction
I will be voting for the Bhubaneswar Parliamentary Constituency (PC) and the Bhubaneswar North Assembly Constituency (AC) in the third phase of 2019 general elections for India that will take place on 23 April 2019. I have had a look at the affidavits of the candidates for the Bhubaneswar PC.

There were 41 affidavits of 18 candidates, but only 14 are finally in the fray. Besides, the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) have also put up a report for all the third phase candidates of Odisha and there is a page for the constituency at MyNeta. Based on these, some basic information is provided in Table 1 in which the names of the candidates are put up alphabetically by their first names. This is also likely to be the order of their names in the Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs).

Table 1 Information on Candidates for Bhubaneswar PC for General Elections 2019
Name	Party	Symbol	Asset Details, Rs	Criminal Cases	Education
Aparajita Sarangi	BJP	Lotus	3.1 cr+	-	BA English
Arup Mohan Patnaik	BJD	Conch	9.2 cr+	-	BSc, LLB
Bhakta Sekhar Ray	KS	Bat	44.0 la+	Yes (1)	HSC, Radio and TV Technician
Biswanath Ramachandra	FPI	Hat	76.3 la+	-	MA Political Science
Biswanath Rout	KP	Chappals	42.5 la+	-	MA, LLB
Janardan Pati	CPI(M)	Hammer, Sickle and Star	2.3 cr+	Yes (1)	BA, LLB
Jayant Kumar Das	Ind1	Helment	55.5 la+	-	PG Diploma in Labour Law
Lalita Kumar Nayak	BSP	Elephant	16.9 la+	-	LLB
Madhu Sudhan Yadav	Ind2	Scissors	29.2 la+	-	BA Economics (Board of Sec Edu)
Mahesh Chandra Sethi	Ind3	Calculator	4.0 th+	-	BTech (Civil)
Pramila Behera	CPI(ML)RS	Saw	47.2 th+	-	BA
Sanjaya Kumar Sahoo	Ind4	Whistle	21.0 la+	-	BA, PG JMC
Subhranshu Sekhar Padhi	AITC	Flowers and Grass	2.0 cr+	Yes (3)	PG Diploma in Business Management
Susil Kumar Jena	Ind5	Pot	30.0 la+	-	MEng (Electronics and Telecommunications)
Sources: Affidavits provided by candidates available at Chief Electoral Officer, Odisha, a report prepared from these affidavits by Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), and a page put up by MyNeta. All these pages were accessed on 22 April 2019. Notes: PC is in title of table is Parliamentary Constituency. For column with heading 'Party': AITC is All India Trinamool Congrees, BJD is Biju Janata Dal, BJP is Bharatiya Janata Party, BSP is Bahujan Samaj Party, CPI(M) is Communist Party of India (Marxist), CPI(M-L)RS is Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Red Star, FPI is Freethought Party of India, KP is Krupaa Party, KS is Kalinga Sena, Ind1 to Ind5 are Independents 1 to 5, as per their names put alphabetically. For column with heading 'Asset Details' the figures are in Rs (rupees) where cr, la, and th dente crore, lakh and thousand, respectively. Disclaimer: There might have been some inadvertent error while providing the above information. Hence, in case of discrepancy or if any one wants to cross check the information themselves, one should look up the original affidavits provided by the candidates.

The 14 Candidates
Based on the information in Table 1 and some additional information that I may have accessed, I briefly discuss each candidate as per their alphabetical listing.

Aparajita Sarangi, as per her affidavit, has a web page of her own. The page indicates that she was inspired by the Prime Minister and BJP party  President and also provides a biography of her work as an officer through the Indian administrative services. She has earned a name as a good officer in the popular perception, but more as an executive functionary. A concern for a politically conscious lay citizen is why should experience in administration as an executive be an advantage for someone taking the plunge to facilitate legislation. It is, of course, possible that her experience can have an advantage as a political executive, but that is an independent decision beyond the domain of the voter.

Arup Mohan Patnaik was recently associated with the Odisha State Youth Welfare Board and is contesting as BJD candidate. Prior to that, he was with the Indian police services in Maharashtra and has a wiki page in his name. He has many credits and a decorated officer (and perhaps a bolywood character). He has also worked under leaders across the political spectrum in Maharashtra and that could be an asset for Odisha in Delhi. Outside his policing, he has also done some work for treatment of cancer patients, particularly for those going from Odisha to Mumbai. One needs to point out that  policing and facilitating legislation are different things. At the same time, one ought to concede that experience in social service and a law degree may facilitate legislation, but then the transition will not not be that straightforward.

Bhakta Sekhar Ray is representing Kalinga Sena party. As per his affidavit, he edits an Odia weekly.  With regard to education, he has completed his HSC and has also been trained as a Radio and TV technician. He also has a criminal case pending against him.

Biswanath Ramachandra is the founder General Secretary of Freethought Party of India (FPI). The page has a message from the candidate and it does talk about some concerns on democratic functioning. You will also see him with a Hat, the party symbol, whose colour green will also remind many from Bhubaneswar that he is Professor Ramachandra of AMOFOI (Anti-caste Marriage and One-child Family Organization of India). It is said that as a teacher and academic administrator he had his differences with people because of his secular and rationalist position, but was not disliked by those who did not agree with his views. His long standing involvement in social issues and social movement may help in facilitating legislation.

Biswanath Rout is from the Krupaa Party. He is a superannuated government servant, perhaps from the police services. He has a Master's and a law degree.

Janardan Pati represents CPI(M), which has a pre-poll agreement with some other parties - INC, CPI and JMM - in Odisha for 2019 general elections. He edits a magazine and also has a law degree. He has a criminal case registered against him, which as his affidavit points out is after he had filed a case against the individual who had physically harmed him. Independent of the alliance, the party did have a base in the past in Bhubaneswar and has taken up pro-people issues. It is said that he responds quickly to queries in his Facebook page.

Jayanta Kumar Das is an independent candidate. He has a degree in labour law and is an advocate. There is not much beyond that that one can ascertain for the candidate's affidavit. In any case, one needs to be aware that practicing law in the bar and formulating laws are two different things. 

Lalita Kumar Nayak is contesting as a BSP candidate. He has a law degree and is an advocate, and hence, the distinction in practicing and formulating law should be kept in mind. A search takes one to a Facebook page that is probably his, but the link is not provided as it is not obvious either from the affidavit or from the page that this is indeed the case.

Madhu Sudhan Yadav is contesting as an independent. His affidavit indicates of a BA in Economics from Board of Secondary Education (BSE). This may be an inadvertent error because BSE does not offer BA degrees.

Mahesh Chandr Sethi is contenting as an independent. As per the affidavit of all candidates, he is the poorest with Rs.4000/-. He has a BTech in Civil Engineering and pursuing law and one would have expected him to have some presence in social media, but that is not obvious from his affidavit. For some logistic reason, his is the only affidavit not analysed by ADR and MyNeta.

Pramila Behera is a candidate for CPI(M-L)RS. The party's decision to put up a candidate when there is another left candidate indicates an absence of unity between them.

Sanjaya Kumar Sahoo is an independent candidate. His affidavit indicates his educational qualification to be post graduate in journalism and mass communication, which implies that there ought to have been a presence in social media, but the affidavit as also an internet search does not indicate that.     

Subhranshu Sekhar Padhi is a contestant for AITC. The party page gives a list of contestant from West Bengal, but not from Odisha. He has a post graduate diploma in business management. Incidentally, he also has three criminal cases registered against his name, which is the highest among all candidates.

Susil Kumar Jena is an independent candidate. He has a Masters in Engineering in Electronics and Telecommunications and one would have expected his strong presence is social media, but this is not obvious from his affidavit or from an internet search.

   

Some Additional Concerns on Whom To Vote
Recently, I had put up some suggestions to the Election Commission of India (ECI), which I will present again below, but before that let me reiterate my response in the ensuing discussions in the wall of the post to a concern on whom to vote.

Elections to Lok Sabha in India and similarly for lower houses in the States are not like the elections for the US President. The Prime Ministerial face from a party is not that important, as she/he, like the US President, will be an Executive head. The most important parameter for me is that we are selecting law makers, that is, people who can articulate concerns from the perspective of people in the Lok Sabha or to the lower house of the state assemblies.

The sad part is parties do not select candidates keeping this in mind. There is, unfortunately, a premium given to the candidates role as an Executive (that is, their possibility of becoming a Minister) or other considerations. This, along with the whip, whatever may be its rationale, makes law making a casualty.

Having said that, if at all one would like to give some weight to the party then it should not be for strengthening the Executive, but rather for strengthening the Legislature, which should be independent of the political, as also administrative, executives. A healthy democracy would be one where the Legislature, the Executive along with its different entities, the Judiciary and the fourth estate are all independent.

Some suggestions to Election Commission of India
In the Facebook post referred to above, I had put up some suggestions for ECI in future elections. They are as follows.

The ECI should ask the candidates to enter the data in a reader friendly electronic format so that voters can easily compare across major parameters for candidates in their constituency or even for candidates across constituencies. I know that the ADR and MyNeta do this for almost all contestant for most constituencies, but they must be entering the data again, which is a tedious task. The entry by candidates in the first instance will reduce this time and effort and release the resources with ADR and MyNeta for additional work like providing information from the social media of contestants or organizing a debate in the social media among contestants.

In the affidavit as also in the reader friendly format there should also be a space provided to the candidates to indicate why they should be the right candidate and why should the voter chose her/him. Frankly, the current information provided in the affidavits do not provide much information for helping the voter to choose.

The ECI should also provide a platform (through social media) where voters can ask the candidates questions and the candidates can respond.

Concluding Remarks and Disclaimer
The purpose of this exercise was to educate myself about the candidates and I am sharing this so that it might be of use to others.  I also share my concerns on the parameters one may consider in selecting whom to vote and also provided some suggestion to ECI for conducting elections in the future to make the affidavits provided by candidates easily accessible to the voters.

I thank the candidates for providing their information through their affidavits, the ECI for making the scanned PDFs of the affidavits accessible. The ADR and MyNeta teams are doing yeomen service by analyzing the data available in the affidavits and presenting them in a voter friendly manner.

I must mention that I might have met some of the candidates in some or the other capacity, but do not recall having met any of them in the recent past after the announcement of the dates for general elections 2019 by ECI. I must also put it categorically that I am not supporting any party or any candidate. I wish all the candidates their very best. Let democracy be the winner.